This Congolese Doctor Discovered Ebola But Never Got Credit For It — Until Now
Dr. Jean-Jacques Muyembe first encountered Ebola in 1976, before it had been identified. Since then, from his post at the Congo National Institute for Biomedical Research, he has led the global search for a cure.
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Dr. Jean-Jacques Muyembe says his story starts in 1973. He had just gotten his Ph.D. at the Rega Institute in Belgium. He could have stayed in Europe, but he decided to return to Congo, or what was then known as Zaire, which had only recently attained independence from Belgium.
If he had stayed in Belgium, he says, he would have been doing routine lab work. But in Congo, he would be responsible for the “health of my people.”
“But when I arrived here the conditions of work were not good,” he says. “I had no lab; I had no mice for the experimentation, so it was very difficult to work here.”
Being a microbiologist without mice or a lab was useless, so he took a job as a field epidemiologist. In 1976, he was called to an outbreak of a mysterious disease in central Congo.
Lots of people had died of something that presented like yellow fever, typhoid or malaria. Muyembe arrived to a nearly empty hospital. He says people thought the infection was coming from the hospital, and he found only a mother and her baby.
Muyembe says his biggest legacy won’t be discovering Ebola. It will be that in the future, another young Congolese researcher could be able to do more of their work in their home country, rather than relying on peers in the U.S. or Europe.
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“I thought that it was malaria or something like this,” he says. “But in the night the baby died, so the hospital was completely empty.”
By morning, as the people of Yambuku heard Muyembe had been sent by the central government in Kinshasa, they started lining up at the hospital hoping he had medicine for them.
“I started to make physical exam,” he says. “But at that time we had no gloves in the whole hospital.”
And, of course, he had to draw blood, but when he removed the syringes, the puncture would gush blood.
“It was the first time for me to see this phenomenon,” he says. “And also my fingers were soiled with blood.”
Muyembe says he washed his hands, but it was really luck that kept him from contracting an infection. He knew immediately this was something he’d never seen before. Some of the Belgian nuns in the village had been vaccinated against yellow fever and typhoid, but this disease was different. It was killing people fast. When he took liver samples with a long needle, the same thing would happen — blood would continue to gush.
He persuaded one of the nuns who had the disease to fly with him to Kinshasa. He took blood samples before she died and sent them to Belgium, where they had an electron microscope to try to identify the culprit. Scientists there and in the United States saw this was a new virus that caused hemorrhagic fever.
They named it Ebola, after a river near the village.
The discovery, says Muyembe, was thanks to a “consortium of research.”
But Google “Who discovered Ebola?” and you get a bunch of names — all of them white Western males. Dr. Jean Jacques Muyembe has been written out of history.
“Yes, but it is …” he pauses. He takes a breath and laughs, looking for the right way to respond.
“Yes. It is not correct,” he says. “It is not correct.”
***
The man who gets the bulk of the credit for discovering Ebola is Dr. Peter Piot. At the time, he was a young microbiologist at the Institute for Tropical Medicine in Belgium. He was the one to receive the blood samples sent by Muyembe.
He describes his experience in No Time to Lose, a book about his professional life, including his vast work on HIV.
But Ebola was his big break. In the book, he describes how vials of blood had arrived in melting ice, some of them broken.
He describes how the World Health Organization ordered them to give up the samples, to send them to England and eventually the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in the United States, which was one of the only labs equipped to handle a deadly virus like Ebola.
He describes how angry that made him and Dr. Stefaan Pattyn, the man running the lab at the time, who died in 2008.
“[Pattyn] claimed that we needed a few more days to ready it for transport,” Piot wrote. “So we kept a few tubes of VERO cells, as well as some of the newborn mice, which were dying. Perhaps it was a stubborn rebellion against the whole Belgian history of constantly being forced to grovel to a greater power. That material was just too valuable, too glorious to let it go.”
Almost simultaneously, scientists at the CDC and Piot looked at the samples under an electron microscope and saw a snakelike filament — huge in comparison to other viruses and very similar to the Marburg virus. The CDC, which kept the world’s reference lab for hemorrhagic viruses, confirmed this was something new. This was Ebola.
***
The Congo National Institute for Biomedical Research sits in the middle of Kinshasa.
There are ragged couches along the corridors and goats feeding in the courtyard. But this is where the bulk of the science is being done on the second largest Ebola outbreak in history.
Tucked in corners around the building, there are high-tech labs. Scientists in full biohazard suits run Ebola samples through sophisticated machines that spit out DNA sequences. On the bulletin boards outside the offices, scientists have pinned papers published in international journals about the science done right here.
Workers are constantly dragging in boxes of brand-new scientific gear. On this day, almost all of them are stamped with the American flag.
It’s no secret there is resentment among scientists here about what many believe is a marginalization of their work by the West.
Joel Lamika, who runs an Ebola smartphone app at the institute, says many foreign governments want to stamp their flags on the work Congolese have done.
“They want to claim like it’s theirs,” he says. “But it is theft.”
Lamika says perhaps one good thing that has come out of this latest Ebola outbreak is that it is giving the world a chance to rewrite history.
Muyembe, he says, is a national hero. His picture is on a huge banner in front of this institute. During previous Ebola outbreaks, and especially the huge one in West Africa that killed more than 11,000 people, the the scientific community used Muyembe as an example of someone who had gotten it right. Under his leadership, Congo had managed to quickly quell nine previous outbreaks.
Maybe this outbreak, he says, will give the world an opportunity to know who Muyembe is.
“It’s time for the world to learn that Ebola was discovered by a Congolese,” he said. “By Dr. Jean-Jacques Muyembe.”
***
Today, Peter Piot is the director of the prestigious London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. He’s friends with Muyembe and expresses nothing but admiration for not only his scientific prowess, but the way he has managed public health emergencies.
But in his book, he mentions Muyembe only in passing, as a bright scientist constantly pressuring Piot for more resources.
When asked if he feels responsible for writing Muyembe out of history, Piot pauses.
“I think that’s a fair comment,” he says. “But my book was not an attempt to write the history of Ebola, but more my personal experience.”
Piot says at the time of that first Ebola outbreak, African scientists were simply excluded. White scientists — with a colonial mentality — parachuted in, took samples, wrote papers that were published in the West and took all of the credit.
But things are changing, he says. Muyembe, for example, is finally starting to get his due. He was recently given a patent for pioneering the first treatment for Ebola and he has received several international awards, including the Royal Society Africa Prize and, just this year, the Hideyo Noguchi Africa Prize.
“That reflects, I think, the [change in] power relations in global health and science in general,” he said.
During this outbreak, Muyembe has also made a decision many thought unthinkable even a few years ago. He decided that all of the blood samples collected during this Ebola epidemic will stay in Congo. Anyone who wants to study this outbreak will have to come to his institute.
American scientists, who have led the way in studying Ebola, have privately expressed frustrations. But Piot says the decision was obviously made because of how African scientists have been treated. Western scientists, he says, should get over it.
“We have to wake up to two things,” he says. “One, the world has changed. And two, it’s a matter of fairness.”
***
Muyembe keeps his office ice cold, and when he talks, he nervously drums a pen against his notebook. He’s terribly serious about his work, but he also offers an easy smile as he remembers his work.
The thing that makes him glow is talking about the treatment he developed.
“It is the most important achievement of my life,” he says.
In 1995, during another outbreak, he wondered whether antibodies developed by Ebola survivors could be siphoned from their blood and used to treat new cases. So he injected Ebola patients with the blood of survivors, taking inspiration from a practice used before sophisticated advances in vaccine-making.
“We did eight patients and seven survived,” he says.
The medical establishment wrote him off. He didn’t have a control group, they told him. But Muyembe knew that in this village, Ebola was killing 81% of people. Just this year, however, that science became the foundation of what is now proven to be the first effective treatment against Ebola, saving about 70% of patients.
“But if this idea was accepted by scientists, we [could have] saved a lot of people, a lot of lives,” he says.
You can tell Muyembe is hurt by all this. Ever since he returned to Congo, he has fought for recognition for his country. His whole life, he has dreamed that big science could come out of his home country.
Just as he announced that samples would not leave Congo, he also got a commitment from Japan to build a state-of-the-art research facility right here. Soon, the goats in the courtyard will be gone, replaced by a facility just as good as those in Belgium or in the United States.
At 77, Muyembe says he doesn’t regret coming back to Congo. And, unlike when he returned in 1973, now he has equipment.
“Now I have mice here,” he says, laughing. “I have mice. I have subculture. Now, everything is here.”
His biggest legacy, he says, won’t be that he helped to discover Ebola or a cure for it. It’ll be that if another young Congolese scientist finds himself with an interesting blood sample, he’ll be able to investigate it right here in Congo.
37 Racehorses Have Died At Santa Ana Park Since December
NPR’s Noel King talks to Jim Chairusmi of The Wall Street Journal about a racehorse suffering a catastrophic injury at the Breeders’ Cup Classic on Saturday in Santa Anita, Calif.
Open Enrollment For 2020 Health Care Plans
This year, as open enrollment kicks off, the federal health insurance marketplace Healthcare.gov has a few new bells and whistles.
LULU GARCIA-NAVARRO, HOST:
For people who get their health insurance through the Obamacare exchanges, it’s that time of year again. Open enrollment for healthcare.gov kicked off on Friday. The website has been through a lot over the years. It had a famously rocky start in 2013, even as President Obama described his vision for how easy it would be to pick a health plan.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BARACK OBAMA: Just visit healthcare.gov, and there, you can compare insurance plans side by side the same way you’d shop for a plane ticket on Kayak or a TV on Amazon.
GARCIA-NAVARRO: Every year, there have been tweaks to make things run more smoothly. As NPR’s Selena Simmons-Duffin reports, this year, there’s a new feature that makes it look a bit more like the website President Obama originally envisioned.
SELENA SIMMONS-DUFFIN, BYLINE: Star ratings – the plans you see are rated out of five stars based on information submitted by insurers and the experience of customers enrolled in the plans, just like on Yelp or Amazon.
LOUISE NORRIS: I definitely wouldn’t recommend basing your whole plan selection decision on the star ratings, but it’s another little tool people can use.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: That’s Louise Norris. She’s an insurance broker who writes about health policy for healthinsurance.org.
NORRIS: Not every plan will have them because if the plan is new, obviously, it doesn’t. And then if a plan is too small, it doesn’t have it.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: And there’s no guarantee you’ll have access to plans with four or five stars. In some states, there are no plans with more than three stars.
There’s another feature Dr. Charlene Wong likes. She’s a professor at Duke University who studied how people make health insurance choices.
CHARLENE WONG: This tool called the estimated total yearly cost – a lot of people we know from past research become overly focused on the monthly premium and may not pay as much attention to things like the deductible or how much the copayments are.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: Even with these tools, it can be daunting to pick the right plan. Wong knows it’s hard because she’s picked the wrong one. A few years ago, she got pregnant, and her bills from her prenatal visits with an in-network doctor were through the roof.
WONG: It turns out my original preferred provider was actually in Tier 3 of a tiered network.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: She had to change doctors to keep her costs down. So take heart – this stuff is complicated, even for the experts.
Selena Simmons-Duffin, NPR News.
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Rural Seasonal Workers Worry About Montana Medicaid’s Work Requirements
Kate Clyatt, 28, works seasonally as a ranch hand in southwest Montana, and relies on the state’s Medicaid program for health coverage. “Ranching is just not a job with a lot of money in it,” Clyatt says. “I don’t know at what point I’m going to be able to get off of Medicaid.”
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People on Medicaid who work rural seasonal jobs in Montana are wondering about the future of their access to health coverage. Montana recently passed a law that, if it gains federal approval and goes into effect as planned in January, would require many Medicaid recipients to prove they work a set number of hours each month.
Kate Clyatt is one of those seasonal workers. She’s 28 and works as a ranch hand in the unincorporated community of Helmville, Mont., where there’s a saloon, rodeo grounds, two churches, a K-8 public school and a post office. In the sweeping ranchland surrounded by mountains, there are also a lot of cows.
On a typical morning, Clyatt is moving cattle — coiling up an electric fence on a spool and whistling to encourage the herd to move along.
She wears a snap-collared flannel shirt tucked into bluejeans, and a sweat-stained cap that keeps the sun from her eyes. She also wears a brace on her right wrist — support for an injury she got when she rolled a four-wheeler a couple weeks earlier.
Clyatt explains that she stayed on her parents’ health care plan until she was 26, as allowed by the Affordable Care Act. Then, when she aged out, she signed up for Montana’s expanded Medicaid program.
“Ranching is just not a job with a lot of money in it,” Clyatt says. “I don’t know at what point I’m going to be able to get off of Medicaid.” To qualify for Montana Medicaid, a program jointly funded by the state and the federal government, individual adults must make no more than around $17,000 dollars a year.
Herding cattle is a hard way to make a living, Clyatt says. But, like a lot of Montanans, she loves working outside.
“There’s a lot of seasonal work in our parks,” Clyatt says, “in our forest systems, guiding — bringing income into this state. I mean, there is just a lot of seasonality to a lot of the quintessentially Montana jobs.” Such work and income may ebb and flow, but the need for medical coverage doesn’t.
Clyatt doesn’t keep track of her work hours; she gets paid by the month. And she’s unclear how that might fit into Montana’s new law that says certain Medicaid enrollees need to prove they work or do other “community engagement activities” for at least 80 hours a month to receive care.
Those required “community engagement activities” can also include vocational education, substance use disorder treatment and community service, among other options.
A part of Montana’s new law does attempt to carve out exemptions for workers in seasonal jobs, but the state health department is still developing what that will look like.
Those who don’t meet the exemptions will have to report their compliance with the requirements. For rural workers like Clyatt, that constant reporting could be difficult — she only gets cell service at the stop sign on the edge of town.
When work and reporting requirements went into place in Arkansas last year, 18,000 people lost health coverage. Arkansas, Kentucky and New Hampshire all have seen their “work requirement laws” blocked this year, as a federal judge raised questions about what the policy could mean in terms of a potential loss of health care coverage.
Backers of the work requirements in Montana say a legal fight may also challenge the policy, which narrowly passed in the state’s 2019 legislative session. But until that happens, or the Supreme Court takes up one of the other state’s cases, Montana will keep rolling out its plan.
Heather O’Loughlin, with the Montana Budget and Policy Center, an organization that advocates for social services for people who have low incomes, says health coverage losses like those experienced in Arkansas are expected in Montana too.
“There are going to be a number of enrollees that will be subject to these requirements,” O’Loughlin says. “And what we’ve seen in other states — Arkansas in particular — is that the vast majority of those that are subject to the requirements … often have challenges in reporting their hours.”
After Montana state health department officials watched around 17,000 people in New Hampshire fail to comply with that state’s policy, Montana increased its estimate of how many residents it expects its own new law to impact.
State officials now project 4-12% of current Medicaid enrollees will be affected: They will either fail to meet the work requirements in the law, or won’t comply with the monthly reporting process regarding their work hours and status. That means up to 12,000 people could lose health coverage in Montana. (Like most adults on Medicaid across the U.S., the majority of enrollees in Montana are already working.)
The work-requirements policy passed the Montana legislature with unanimous support from Democrats and in May was signed by Gov. Steve Bullock — also a Democrat, who is now running for president on his track record of political wins in a state that leans conservative.
The policy was a political compromise. Medicaid expansion in Montana was due to expire this summer, and Republicans refused to renew it without a work requirement. Even now, conservative leaders in the statehouse say the bill that passed didn’t go far enough and the work requirements are weak.
But Republican state Rep. Ed Buttrey, who helped push the “work requirements” bill into law, disagrees. He expects some people will lose health coverage, but says the requirements are not meant to be punitive.
“We never set a number of people to try to purposely disenroll,” Buttrey says. “We wanted to find out how many people are truly able-bodied and not working — who should be doing more to benefit themselves and their family, but weren’t.”
The Trump administration, which encourages states to add work requirements to Medicaid, claims such policies could improve health outcomes and get people out of poverty.
Montana submitted its workforce requirement proposal to the federal government at the end of August. According to the program’s timeline, the requirements would start in January 2020, if approved by the Trump administration.
When Nationals Visit The White House, Sports And Politics Will Intersect Once Again
Fans gather in Washington, D.C. on Nov. 2, 2019 as the Washington Nationals hold a parade to celebrate their World Series victory over the Houston Astros.
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Thousands of baseball fans sporting red caps and sweatshirts, emblazoned with the Washington Nationals’ curvy W, lined Constitution Avenue in Washington on Saturday to celebrate the team’s historic World Series victory.
On Wednesday, the Nationals defeated the Houston Astros in Game 7 of the series with a 6-2 comeback, clinching the city’s first baseball championship in 95 years.
Next on the team’s schedule — a visit with President Trump.
The Nationals are scheduled to meet Trump on Monday, continuing a time-honored tradition of championship teams traveling to the White House for a meeting with the president. But in a city where partisan politics has long been the dominant sport, Monday’s visit has itself taken a political turn.
On Friday, Nationals pitcher Sean Doolittle publicly confirmed that he will skip the event. Doolittle has been vocal about his opposition to many of the administration’s policies.
“There’s a lot of things, policies that I disagree with, but at the end of the day, it has more to do with the divisive rhetoric and the enabling of conspiracy theories and widening the divide in this country,” Doolittle told The Washington Post. “At the end of the day, as much as I wanted to be there with my teammates and share that experience with my teammates, I can’t do it.”
Even before Doolittle’s decision, this year’s World Series had delved into politics. During Game 5 of the series, Nationals fans booed Trump during an appearance at the team’s Nationals Park and taunted him with cheers of “lock him up.” During Game 7 in Houston, more than 16,000 Nationals’ fans gathered for a free viewing party back in Washington and again broke into boos when a Trump campaign ad aired during a commercial break.
While the fan response captured headlines, it was hardly the first instance of baseball intersecting with Washington politics.
The first team visit to the White House was in 1865. That summer, Washington, D.C. held a three-team baseball tournament. The Athletic from Philadelphia beat the Washington Nationals to win the tournament, but both teams were invited to visit the White House to meet President Andrew Johnson. As the story goes, the players from both teams attended and then one by one, shook the president’s hand.
Even then, the meeting had a political motivation. According to The Atlantic’s Yoni Appelbaum, this first meeting was arranged by the president of the National club, Arthur Pue Gorman, a white Southerner and Johnson supporter who in the aftermath of the Civil War wanted to maintain racial segregation. He saw baseball — which was then an all-white sport — and the meeting with Johnson as a way to do this.
It wasn’t until the presidency of Ronald Reagan more than a century later that invitations for championship teams from across the sports world became a regular occurrence. So too did the practice of players snubbing those invitations.
In 1991, for example, after the Chicago Bulls won their first NBA title, Michael Jordan decided to play golf rather than meet with President George H.W. Bush.
Golfer Tom Lehman declined a meeting with President Bill Clinton, referring to him as a “draft-dodging baby killer.”
Jake Arrieta of the Chicago Cubs skipped a visit to the Obama White House, as did Boston Bruins goalie Tea Party supporter Tim Thomas.
But under the Trump administration there has been an uptick in the number of players — and in some cases entire teams — rejecting invitations to visit the White House, citing everything from scheduling conflicts to outright objections to the president’s policies.
The uptick, in part, may be due to a shift in public attitudes. Athletes who were once expected to keep their opinions silent are now cheered by some fans for speaking up and othertimes jeered when they choose not to.
When teams have accepted invitations, the decision by some players not to attend has often overshadowed the actual visit. After their victory in last year’s World Series, the Boston Red Sox visited the White House, but when they did, almost every non-white player and coach on the team was noticeably absent.
In 2017, the White House rescinded an invitation altogether after members of the NBA champion Golden State Warriors said that they were considering skipping the event. Trump tweeted the decision, saying, “invitation is withdrawn!” It was considered the first time a president ever pulled back an invite due to a spat with players.
This past summer during the Women’s World Cup, members of the Women’s National Soccer team, including Megan Rapinoe — said that if they won the tournament, they would decline an invitation to the White House. Trump responded, saying Rapinoe “should never disrespect our Country.” The team ultimately won the World Cup, but did not receive an invitation to the White House.
Since Doolittle announced his decision, he told The Washington Post that he has received a flurry of social media messages from those who disagree with his decision, calling it disrespectful.
Trump To Kick It At UFC Fight In NYC, Days After Tweeting Residency Change To Florida
President Donald Trump speaks to the media before boarding Marine One on the South Lawn of the White House. He’s expected to spend the weekend in New York and take in a UFC fight.
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Politics is often described as a rough and tumble business. But President Donald Trump is expected to witness an actual blood sport when he takes in a much-hyped mixed martial arts event on Saturday at Madison Square Garden in New York.
This will be Trump’s second sporting event in the span of a week. On Sunday, he attended Game 5 of the World Series at Nationals Park in Washington, where he was met with boos and chants of “lock him up.”
Trump’s visit to New York comes just two days after announcing he and his family are switching their permanent residency from New York to Florida, a move that was met with cheers from some of several prominent Democrats in the state. Explaining his decision on Twitter, Trump said he lamented being “treated very badly by the political leaders” in New York.
Trump who was born, raised, built his businesses and launched his political campaign in New York, says he “hated” to have to make the decision to leave, but that “few have been treated worse” by the city and state elected officials.
He’s switching his residence to Palm Beach, Fla., where he owns the Mar-a-Lago resort, a place he’s dubbed the “winter White House.” Trump has resisted calls to release his state or federal taxes, but by switching residences, he’d go from a city that taxes top earners a 3.876% tax rate, and a state with a top rate of about 9% to Florida, which has no state income tax.
Donald Trump Jr., right, poses for a photo with Eric Trump at UFC Fight Night Saturday, Aug. 3, 2019, in Newark, N.J.
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Before that paperwork is finalized however, he’s expected to spend much of the weekend in the Big Apple, starting with attending the UFC 244 tournament, headlined by Nate Diaz and Jorge Masvidal. The main event is for a new belt and “title” of BMF, an acronym for “Baddest Motherf*****.”
According to TMZ Sports, the belt cost $50,000 to make and other notables expected to attend include wrestler-turned-actor Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson and New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft.
Trump’s Connection to Mixed Martial Arts
UFC President Dana White, center, at a press conference ahead of UFC 244 scheduled for Saturday in New York City. The main event is between Jorge Masvidal, left, and Nate Diaz.
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While a MMA match may strike some as an unusual place for a commander-in-chief to spend a Saturday night, NPR’s Scott Simon pointed out on Saturday’s Weekend Edition that “the president is a fan and used to book MMA events at his casino in Atlantic City.”
Trump’s dealings with Ultimate Fighting Championship and its President Dana White, go back to 2001 when UFC 30: Battle on the Boardwalk was held at Trump’s Taj Mahal in Atlantic City.
Back then, it was a huge score for the UFC to land a venue like Trump’s. The sport had suffered for years, being banned in several states and disparaged as “human cockfighting” by the late Arizona Sen. John McCain.
In a 2018 interview with The Hill, White spoke about MMA’s “stigma” and that “venues didn’t even want us.”
“I will never say anything negative about Donald Trump,” White said at the time. “He was there when other people weren’t.”
White said he and Trump remain close, even though, for a time, Trump partnered with a rival mixed martial arts outfit called Affliction Entertainment in 2008. Affliction soon tapped out, but the UFC has scrapped its way to being a multi-billion-dollar industry, selling for just over $4 billion in 2016.
“Any good thing that happened to me in my career, Donald Trump was the first to pick up the phone and call and say ‘congratulations, I knew you guys were going to do this,'” White told The Hill.
A month prior to UFC’s sale, White spoke at the 2016 Republican National Convention, something he said he was “blown away and honored” to do.
“Donald championed the UFC before it was popular, before it grew into a successful business,” White said before a crowd gathered in Cleveland.
“I will always be grateful, so grateful to him for standing with us in those early days. So tonight, I stand with Donald Trump.”
Trump is expected to stay overnight at the Trump Tower in New York on Saturday. He is expected to depart on Sunday, and perhaps add to the traffic congestion that’s already anticipated for the New York City Marathon.
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Voters Weigh In As Elizabeth Warren Takes Health Care Plan On Campaign Trail
Sen. Elizabeth Warren released a plan to pay for “Medicare for All” without raising taxes on the middle class, and now she’s on the campaign trail talking about it.
Washington Nationals Celebrates 1st World Series Win
The Washington Nationals celebrated their first World Series win with a victory parade on the streets of the nation’s capital.
Adding Up Warren’s ‘Medicare For All’ Plan
Julie Rovner of Kaiser Health News tells NPR’s Scott Simon about Elizabeth Warren’s just-released plan to pay for her version of “Medicare to All.”
SCOTT SIMON, HOST:
“Medicare for All” has been a rallying cry in the Democratic primary. But how to pay for it? Elizabeth Warren was pressed on that in the October debate.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
ELIZABETH WARREN: And for hardworking middle-class families, costs will go down.
SIMON: And now she’s released her plan. Julie Rovner joins us to see if it all adds up. She’s chief Washington correspondent for Kaiser Health News.
Julie, thanks so much for being with us.
JULIE ROVNER: Thanks for having me.
SIMON: One of the issues with Medicare for All, the idea of expanding Medicare to cover all Americans, is that it can take a few different forms. In order to pay for it, Elizabeth Warren had to sketch out exactly what her version would look like, right?
ROVNER: That’s right. This is very much different from what Bernie Sanders even introduced in the Senate. There were many, many questions that were – remained unanswered in his proposal that Elizabeth Warren has gone in and answered, which she needed to do because it’s hard to say how much something’s going to cost unless you know exactly how much you’re planning to pay for it. And she has gone in and said, basically, how much she’s planning on paying for a lot of the health care that people now consume.
SIMON: Help us understand the structure that she’s proposed with the codicil that she says she wants billionaires and businesses to pay for.
ROVNER: That’s right. She said that in most cases, she wants to pay hospitals and doctors what Medicare now pays – what Medicare for senior citizens, which would be very different from the Medicare we’re talking about…
SIMON: Yeah.
ROVNER: …In Medicare for All. Though – that is considerably less than many private payers pay doctors and hospitals. They will not like having their payments reduced to that level, but that does make everything cheaper and makes it easier for her to finance and easier to finance by basically taxing the rich, which is essentially what she’s doing. She would also require people who are paying in now – not individuals, but businesses and states – to continue to pay, and that would also help finance this new system going forward.
SIMON: Do the numbers add up?
ROVNER: They add up to what she says it would cost. She says that they would be able to raise money by better enforcement of the tax laws, which is something that everybody wishes would happen. She’s got some money in there from reforming immigration, which suggests she’s planning on reforming immigration before she does health care. So there are a lot of ways that it might or might not add up. It would add up if everything she anticipates happens.
SIMON: Senator Warren says taxes would not go up on the middle class. Is that practical?
ROVNER: Well, there’s – it’s one thing to say that taxes won’t go up on the middle class. Under her plan, taxes won’t go up on the middle class. It’s another thing to say that people in the middle class would pay less overall than they do now for health care. Yes, health care would be free at the point of service, but it’s hard to know how much the employers would continue to pay. And that is money that’s basically out of workers’ paychecks. And if you have very generous benefits now and/or you don’t use very much health care, in the end, you might actually not end up paying less than you pay now. It depends what you have now to know whether your costs won’t go up.
SIMON: How did Medicare for All become such a rallying point in the Democratic Party not so long after Democrats had claimed credit for reforming health care with the Affordable Care Act?
ROVNER: Well, I think the idea of Medicare for All is that it’s easy, or at least it sounds easy that everybody would have what seniors have. The government would fund it. It would be – we would be able to save money. It would be more administratively simple.
Of course, it turns out – and if you read Elizabeth Warren’s plan, it reads like a graduate seminar in health policy – Medicare for All is anything but easy because the health care system is incredibly complex, and moving to something more streamlined would be extremely difficult.
SIMON: So for this plan to work, a lot of things would have to fall into place that she or any president would have to get through Congress.
ROVNER: That’s right. And I think the other thing is that we normally don’t see presidential candidates putting out proposals of this specificity, although this is Elizabeth Warren’s brand is to put out these very specific, very complicated plans. But this is mostly something that a president doesn’t do. This is something that Congress would have to do. Generally, presidents like to leave it to Congress to work their will. She has, however, come out, and she believes that it is in her interest politically right now to have this specific a plan with proposals to pay for it.
SIMON: Kaiser Health News chief Washington correspondent Julie Rovner, thanks so much for being back with us.
ROVNER: Thank you.
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Open Enrollment Is Here: 6 Tips For Choosing A Health Insurance Plan
HealthCare.gov provides tools to guide you cost comparisons when you’re choosing a health care plan.
Catie Dull/NPR
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Catie Dull/NPR
It’s the season to roll up your sleeves, gather your documents, and pick a health insurance plan for 2020. For those shopping for their own plans, HealthCare.gov and the other state exchanges are open for enrollment as of November 1.
Despite the rhetoric about the implosion of the Affordable Care Act, the individual mandate going away, and other attempts to hobble the law, the marketplaces are still alive and well. And many people are eligible for subsidies to bring their costs down.
In fact, HealthCare.gov has gotten sleeker and easier to use over the years (after a famously rocky start). There are new bells and whistles to make shopping for a plan easier this year. Still, figuring out how to balance premiums, deductibles and other costs, and choose a plan that will fit your needs for the coming year is hard.
Charlene Wong knows this from experience. Even as a doctor and academic at Duke University who studies how people make health insurance choices, a few years ago, she and her husband picked the wrong plan.
“We spent several days researching plans and called around to make sure the doctors we wanted to see were in network,” she says. Then she got pregnant, and found that while her OB was in network, there was a catch.
“There was a tiered network within that health insurance plan and [my OB] was in Tier 3 of network providers,” she explains. Even though she thought she’d done everything right, she ended up having to switch doctors to keep her costs down.
So take heart — health insurance can be tricky, even for the experts. Here are a few tips to help you find the right plan.
1 – Figure out where and when you need to enroll
Depending where you live, you can either use the federal exchanges on HealthCare.gov or your state’s marketplace to shop for insurance. Twelve states and the District of Columbia run their own exchanges. The federal exchange open enrollment runs until mid-December, but you might have more time if you live in a state that runs its own marketplace.
2 – Review plan options, even if you like your current one
For people who are already enrolled in an ACA plan, Charles Gaba says it’s really important to log in and check if there’s a better value, even if you’re happy with your current plan. Gaba runs the website ACAsignups.net, where he does health care data and policy analysis, focused primarily on the Affordable Care Act.
It can be tempting to skip the whole enrollment rigmarole, especially since you’ll just get rolled into the same plan or a similar plan if you do nothing during open enrollment.
“A lot of people think that because nothing changed in their lives — like, their income is the same, the same household — nothing will change for their policy or their premiums, and that’s just not true,” Gaba says.
Every year, there can be all sorts of changes that affect the kinds of plans available and the costs of those plans. For instance, this year new insurers have entered the marketplace, and premiums have gone down in some states. It’s always worth logging in and checking to see what’s changed for you and whether it makes sense to switch things up.
3 – Compare estimated yearly costs, not just monthly premiums
It’s easy to focus on the monthly premium payment when comparing plans, but Wong at Duke says don’t forget to consider other costs as well.
“A lot of people — we know from past research — become overly focused on the monthly premium and may not pay as much attention to things like the deductible or how much the co-payments are,” Wong says.
The premium price is prominently featured when you’re looking at plans, but look at other costs too. A tool available on HealthCare.gov and some state marketplaces will calculate “estimated total yearly costs” for you. This takes into account the plan’s deductible — how much you have to pay out-of-pocket for covered services before your insurance picks up the tab — and copays, put together with how much health care you expect to use in the coming year.
Wong says that yearly cost estimate can be a really useful tool when picking a plan. “Trying to figure out that math can be a little bit tricky, especially for people who are not as familiar with health insurance.” she says.
4 – Consider how much health care you use
Picking the right insurance plan involves guesswork about how many health issues you’re likely to face in the coming year, which could affect the way costs break down. Your age is usually a useful proxy for this, but there’s always a lot of unknowns, like a surprise cancer diagnosis or a car accident.
Wong points out there are basic tradeoffs to consider. “You might want to think about, ‘Do I pay a little bit more each month in a monthly premium knowing that that would mean less out-of-pocket expenses when and if I do need more medical care?” she says. “Versus — the other way around — ‘Let me pay a lower monthly premium because I don’t really anticipate needing much care, but I know I’d have this health insurance in case something really catastrophic happens.’ “
Alongside these unknowns, leverage what you do know about your health needs. If you have a doctor you like, or if you know you’re going to take a certain prescription drug, look for a plan that covers them. HealthCare.gov allows you to add your provider and your prescription drugs as you browse plans to see whether they’re covered. Another way to find out is simply call your doctors and ask what plans they accept, says Wong.
5 – Beware too-good-to-be-true plans
If you see a good deal online, make sure you’re looking at an ACA plan, warns health policy writer and insurance broker Louise Norris. When you search for health insurance on the internet, you may stumble on short term plans that advertise much lower monthly premiums, but don’t cover the ACA’s famous ten essential benefits. These include some pretty important stuff like prenatal care and mental health treatment.
Sometimes people can find good deals on premiums in the federal and state marketplaces, Norris says, but if one plan sticks out as being too good to be true, read the fine print.
“I did see some new plans popping up in some areas for 2020 where they’ll say $0 deductible,” she says. “Then you scroll down a little bit further and you have maybe $1,000 a day copay for hospitalization.” You hope you won’t spend a lot of time in the hospital, but if you do, that kind of cost could really add up.
Norris points out a new tool this year to help sort out good plans from bad — a star rating, similar to what consumers are used to on Yelp or Amazon (hearkening back to Obama’s original vision). The star ratings are based on information insurers submitted regarding cost, combined with enrollee feedback.
“Star ratings are one of those at-a-glance things where you can kind of see, “OK, how do other customers feel about this plan?’ ” Norris says. Not all plans have them since some are new, she says, but for plans that do, the stars “give you some some red flags if maybe there are some concerns.”
6 – Get free help from the pros
The Trump administration slashed federal funding for advertising open enrollment and the navigator program, but those programs do still exist: There are still people across the country trained and ready to sign people up — for free.
“My best piece of advice for people — particularly those who are less familiar with insurance, is to see if you can get some help,” Wong says. You can call for help, but she recommends trying to meet in person with “a health insurance navigator or a certified application counselor,” she says. “Importantly, these are folks who are impartial to which health insurance plan may be best for you.”
Katie Turner is one of those trained navigators — she’s been signing people up for seven years, and works with the Family Health Care Foundation in the Tampa Bay, Fla., area. Leading up to open enrollment, she’s been busy calling consumers from past years, letting them know that this is the time.
She advises people to assemble all the necessary documents, such as Social Security cards, immigration documentation, tax returns, before going into a meeting with a navigator.
Most of all, she says, don’t miss your chance to sign up for coverage if you need it.
“There is a lot of confusion out there,” Turner says. Many people are confused about what a legal challenge to the law means for the marketplaces (nothing for now), when open enrollment is, and more. “All we can do,” Turner says, “is continue to be here and provide the resources that we’ve been providing for the last seven years to help people enroll in coverage.”