More Generics And Negotiating Leverage Could Slow Medicare Drug Spending

An independent commission recommended changes to Medicare Part D, including reducing or waiving copayments for generic drugs for low-income enrollees.

An independent commission recommended changes to Medicare Part D, including reducing or waiving copayments for generic drugs for low-income enrollees. Shana Novak/Getty Images hide caption

toggle caption Shana Novak/Getty Images

Congress should move to slow spending in Medicare’s drug benefit by adopting a package of changes that could save billions of dollars, but that would also add costs for insurers and have mixed effects on enrollees, an independent advisory commission said Wednesday.

The Medicare Payment Advisory Commission warned in its June report to Congress that rising drug costs and other factors helped drive Medicare Part D spending up nearly 60 percent between 2007 and 2014.

MedPAC recommendations are considered influential, but don’t expect Congress to pursue those changes during an election year.

Still, the commission makes proposals it estimates could save at least $10 billion over five years, partly by encouraging more use of generic drugs and also by creating incentives for insurers to negotiate better prices from drugmakers.

The proposals would:

  • Sharply reduce or even eliminate the copayments that about 12 million low-income Medicare enrollees pay for generic drugs — to encourage the use of the lower-cost medications.
  • Create an annual out-of-pocket spending cap for higher-income enrollees that is similar to one already in place for low-income beneficiaries. After enrollees hit the cap, Medicare would cover 100 percent of the cost of their medications.
  • Make it harder to reach that annual cap by not allowing a drug discount given by manufacturers to count toward the enrollees’ out-of-pocket maximum.
  • Require insurers to pay 80 percent of drug costs, up from the current 15 percent, after patients hit the out-of-pocket maximum.

Patient groups like the idea of reducing generic copayments for low-income enrollees and setting an annual cap, yet they fear that the proposal would mean patients would remain in the coverage gap known as the “doughnut hole” for longer periods.

While in the doughnut hole, enrollees pay a higher percentage of drug costs. MedPAC estimates that its proposal would mean about half of beneficiaries whose drug spending is high enough to hit this gap would remain in it longer, paying about $1,000 more each as a result.

“We’re pleased that some of the recommendations would protect beneficiaries from the rising cost of medications … but we have concerns that fewer beneficiaries would benefit from the out-of-pocket maximum,” said Stacy Sanders, federal policy director for the Medicare Rights Center.

Some proposals have been rejected before, but the report could spark discussion under a new administration and Congress in 2017.

“Once MedPAC makes a recommendation, it gives it legitimacy,” Sanders said. “In future years, we could see the proposals as a starting point for some legislation.”

This year, the doughnut hole occurs after patients and their insurers combined have spent $3,310 on covered drugs. In the coverage gap, enrollees must pay a larger share of the cost of their drugs until catastrophic coverage kicks in. That happens when spending hits $4,850 and enrollees then pay 5 percent of the cost of their drugs.

While 5 percent isn’t much when a low-cost generic is taken, it can be substantial for expensive drugs, such as many used to treat hepatitis, cancer, multiple sclerosis and some forms of arthritis.

The Affordable Care Act gradually phases out the coverage gap by requiring drugmakers to give enrollees discounts. This year, the discount is 50 percent of the cost of the drug. Even though enrollees are not paying that discounted amount out of their own pockets, the ACA allowed the dollar value to count toward the $4,850 threshold for catastrophic coverage to begin. Since the ACA took effect, the number of Medicare Part D enrollees who reach the catastrophic coverage level has grown from 400,000 in 2010 to 700,000 by 2013, according to MedPAC. That shift costs Medicare and taxpayers more because the program pays 80 percent of the costs for drugs after enrollees go through the coverage gap.

Under the commission’s proposal, enrollees would no longer be allowed to count those drugmaker discounts toward the total, meaning it would take longer to hit the out-of-pocket cap. Indeed, about half of enrollees might not reach the threshold in a given year and not benefit from the 100 percent coverage, the report notes.

“For many people, this will actually increase spending,” said Caroline Pearson of consulting firm Avalere in Washington, D.C., which is in the process of analyzing the financial impacts of the MedPAC proposals. “While our results aren’t finalized yet, our generalized finding is that a small number of beneficiaries would save a lot of money … but a lot would spend more.”

Other elements of the proposal would affect insurers. MedPAC recommends insurers shoulder more of the cost of prescriptions after enrollees exit the doughnut hole. That would encourage insurers to try to keep enrollees from hitting the coverage gap’s upper limit by getting them to choose lower-cost drugs or by driving harder bargains with drugmakers, said Mark Miller, executive director of the commission.

“A good portion of that payment is because beneficiaries are either using more expensive drugs or the prices of their drugs are going up relatively aggressively,” said Miller. “We’re trying to say … you’re going to want to negotiate as tough prices as you can.”

MedPAC says the proposals are needed because rising drug prices and other factors helped drive spending in the program to $73 billion in 2014, and more high-cost drugs will hit the market soon. Without action, the rising costs could drive up program costs and probably premiums for enrollees, MedPAC said.

When MedPAC adopted its recommendations unanimously this spring, they drew mixed reviews and many comments from the drug industry, consumer groups and insurers. All the groups found elements they liked in the plans and parts they opposed.

Little change was seen in the final version released to Congress.

“PhRMA remains concerned about the sweeping recommendations MedPAC approved in April and opposes changes to Medicare Part D that taken together could harm beneficiaries by eroding coverage and protections for many of the most vulnerable enrollees in the program,” said Allyson Funk, spokeswoman for the drug industry’s trade group PhRMA.

Kaiser Health News is a service of the nonprofit Kaiser Family Foundation. Neither one is affiliated with the health insurer Kaiser Permanente.

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Summer Camps Say They're Not Sweating Over Zika Risk

Canoes, water, mosquitoes — what would summer camp be without them? This year, bug spray will also be in the mix.

Canoes, water, mosquitoes — what would summer camp be without them? This year, bug spray will also be in the mix. Mike Powell/Getty Images hide caption

toggle caption Mike Powell/Getty Images

Summer camp and mosquitoes go together like chicken and waffles, particularly in the South. But Zika virus may raise the stakes in the age-old struggle of campers versus pests. The mosquito species capable of carrying Zika can be found in much of the southern United States.

Anxious parents need not panic; no Zika-infected mosquitoes have been identified in the country. Nonetheless, Tisha Bolger, board president of the American Camp Association, says camp administrators are particularly interested in what they can do to prevent mosquito bites this summer.

The CDC has not released guidelines specific to summer camps for Zika prevention, but camp managers should follow general prevention guidelines, CDC spokesman Benjamin Haynes tells Shots. Many of those suggestions, such as wearing long-sleeved shirts and long pants and staying inside air conditioned buildings with windows, seem a tad unrealistic for kids having fun outdoors.

“If you’ve got a kid in summer camp,” says mosquito biologist Todd Livdahl of Clark University, “they’re wearing shorts or they’re wearing swimsuits when they’re outside.” And unless you’re sending your child to summer camp at the Four Seasons, air-conditioned cabins may also be in short supply.

Another tip in the CDC guidelines suggests treating clothing and gear with permethrin, a chemical that kills insects and can cause skin rashes in humans. “I don’t see most parents deciding that’s an OK thing to do,” says Livdahl of coating clothes with the chemical. “Most people have never heard of this approach.”

Don’t lock your children indoors for a summer of video games just yet. First, some perspective.

There’s still no evidence that Aedes aegypti mosquitoes carrying Zika have reached the U.S.

As of June 8, all 691 recorded cases in the country have been linked to international travel or sexual transmission. What’s more, the most serious of Zika’s known side effects – abormally small heads, or microcephaly, in infants – only appears to affect babies whose mothers became infected while pregnant.

That said, campers aren’t totally out of the woods.

If the culprit mosquitoes do spread to the southern U.S., as CDC scientists have suggested they might, some campers infected with Zika could suffer fever, joint pain, and in rare cases get sick enough to require hospitalization. In a much smaller set of cases, Zika may be linked to a neurological disorder called Guillain-Barré syndrome, which can cause muscle weakness and paralysis. (The CDC is investigating the connection between Zika and this syndrome.)

Finally, because scientists still don’t know how long Zika can stay in someone’s system, it’s possible that summer mosquito bites could someday cause the virus to be spread later by sexually active teens.

“I guess we’re just stressing applying bug repellant more,” says camp director Alyson Gondek of Camp Woodmont in Cloudland, Ga. She says the camp has not invested in mosquito netting for each of the camp’s beds, another recommendation from the CDC. And she’s not planning on netting larger areas either.

“It would be nice to have a huge dome over our property,” Gondek says, but “we’d have to net an entire 170 acres.”

Managers from other southeastern camps reported a similar approach, namely, business as usual, with extra bug spray. And several said that they hoped a drier spring would cut back on insects.

“I’m out a lot, and they all love to eat on me,” says Mark Magee, executive director of Twin Lakes camp in Florence, Miss. “And I haven’t been chosen this summer to be eaten yet.”

Summer camps have few weapons in their arsenals to combat a potential mosquito invasion, but they may be spared in the battle with Zika, at least this season. That means administrators can focus on other staples of the camp experience: sports, s’mores and sunburn.


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Dying In A Hospital Means More Procedures, Tests And Costs

When it comes to the end of life, hospital stays are more intensive and more expensive than alternatives.

When it comes to the end of life, hospital stays are more intensive and more expensive than alternatives. Medicimage/Science Source hide caption

toggle caption Medicimage/Science Source

People who die in the hospital undergo more intense tests and procedures than those who die anywhere else.

An analysis by Arcadia Healthcare Solutions also shows that spending on people who die in a hospital is about seven times that on people who die at home.

The work confirms with hard data what most doctors and policymakers already know: Hospital deaths are more expensive and intrusive than deaths at home, in hospice care, or even in nursing homes.

“This intensity of services in the hospital shows a lot of suffering that is not probably in the end going to offer people more quality of life and may not offer them more quantity of life either,” says Dr. Richard Parker, chief medical officer at Arcadia.

Where people died and how much the final month of care cost:

  • 42% of patients died at home: $4,760
  • 40% of patients died in the hospital: $32,379
  • 7% of patients died in hospice: $17,845
  • 7% of patients died in a nursing facility: $21,221
  • 5% of patients died in the ER: $7,969

Source: Arcadia Healthcare Solutions

Arcadia analyzed all the Medicaid claims data for a private Medicaid insurance company in one Western state and detailed how many billable medical procedures each patient received and where. Patients in hospitals were billed for far more medical interventions in the last days of their lives than people who died in other settings. The company declined to name the state or company.

The study showed that 42 percent of patients died at home at a cost of about $4,760 for their last month of life, while 40 percent died in a hospital at a cost of $32,379. Dying in a nursing home was the second most expensive locale, inpatient hospice was third and an emergency room was fourth.

“In the end, everyone died. They all died,” Parker tells Shots. “If we look at this retroactively, retrospectively — and we could go back and ask people — I bet most of them would say I’d rather be home with my family.”

Parker says the cost of hospital deaths paid for by Medicare or private insurance are likely even higher because they pay doctors and hospitals more for their services.

Many studies have shown that people, when asked, say they’d prefer to die at home rather than in a hospital. However, those wishes aren’t always realized if a person hasn’t given clear instructions to a doctor or family member.

Parker says hospitals are designed to cure people who are ill rather than to allow people to die peacefully.

“The culture of American medicine today and for the last several decades is to keep treating patients regardless of the quality of life,” he says. “A lot of physicians have been reluctant to admit that the patient’s life is coming to an end.”

The picture is more complicated than the data show, says Dr. Lachlan Forrow, a professor of medicine and medical ethics at Harvard University.

Many patients move from home to hospice to hospitals and back during the last 30 days of life. And some may end up in the hospital because their pain or symptoms weren’t adequately controlled at home.

Still, he says, hospitals are just not good at caring for dying people.

“We do lots of very expensive things in hospitals to people in the last part of life who would rather be home, and we do those in part because in the hospital they get paid for,” he says.

It’s the only way to justify keeping in a hospital the people who need around the clock nursing care but can’t get it at home.

“If we really tried to make sure people at home could have what they needed at home, we could take better care of them, with less medical system-caused suffering, at lower cost, sometimes much lower cost,” he says.

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Despite Overdose Epidemic, Georgia Caps The Number Of Opioid Treatment Clinics

Methadone, and similar drugs, are legal synthetic opioids that are used to help block the cravings and withdrawal symptoms of people trying to wean themselves off prescription painkillers or heroin.

Methadone, and similar drugs, are legal synthetic opioids that are used to help block the cravings and withdrawal symptoms of people trying to wean themselves off prescription painkillers or heroin. Michell Eloy/WABE hide caption

toggle caption Michell Eloy/WABE

Zac Talbott sees the irony of running an opioid treatment program from a former doctor’s office.

“The funny thing is, a lot of patients are like, ‘This is where I first started getting prescribed pain pills,’ ” Talbott says.

Now, the Tennessee native says those same patients are coming to his clinic in Chatsworth, Ga., a small city about a half-hour south of the Tennessee border, to fight their addiction to those very pills.

Outpatient clinics like the one Talbott co-owns dispense drugs like methadone and buprenorphine, which are legal synthetic opioids that block cravings and withdrawal symptoms. Federal health officials say this medication-assisted treatment, coupled with counseling, is the best way to treat an addiction to prescription painkillers or heroin. Patients are required to show up a set-number of times a week — the number of visits determined by how long they’ve been receiving treatment — to take their medicine in front of a nurse.

Talbott’s clinic, Counseling Solutions, started treating patients in February, but he says it’s already treating 150 people in a space that’s fit for about 200. There’s such a need in this part of the state, Talbott says, he’s already making expansion plans.

More than 1,200 people died of an overdose in Georgia in 2014, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, with opioid drugs frequently implicated in those deaths. That’s a 10 percent increase over the previous year. So Talbott is outraged that Georgia has put a one-year moratorium on issuing licenses to clinics that use medicine to treat people addicted to heroin or painkillers.

“We’re in the middle of an opioid addiction and overdose epidemic,” Talbott says. “You just think about that for a minute.”

Too Many Clinics?

The reason for the moratorium, according to state Sen. Jeff Mullis, a Republican, is the state needs to figure out why so many opioid treatment programs have opened in Georgia. Mullis sponsored the legislation — which has since been signed into law — that created the freeze on new clinics. The law also required that a committee be established to look into Mullis’ question.

[embedded content]

“If you go to the parking lot of any of these clinics in northwest Georgia, Mullis says, “you’ll see as many Tennessee, Alabama, North Carolina, Kentucky tags as you do Georgia tags.” People are driving in from all over the south, he says, to get treatment there.

Georgia has 67 opioid treatment programs, more than any other southeastern state. Tennessee has only 12, in contrast; Alabama has 24, and Mississippi has one. Only Florida comes close numbers-wise, with 65 clinics. But its population is nearly double that of Georgia’s.

While individuals who want to open a clinic in Georgia still have to fulfill multiple licensing requirements and approvals from both the state and federal governments, Mullis says it’s too easy; unlike other surrounding states, Georgia doesn’t have a Certificate of Need program for narcotic treatment centers. Those programs limit entry or expansion of some health care facilities by requiring operators to show there’s a need for it. For opioid treatment programs in Georgia, open competition has been the only real constraint on the numbers of clinics.

“I don’t want to take these facilities away from people who need it, but we need to manage, and govern, and regulate the ones that are here, and the ones that are coming here,” Mullis says.

More Enforcement

There’s also stigma around the addiction drugs used at opioid treatment centers because the drugs dispensed are opioids themselves. Critics say drugs like methadone are replacing one addiction with another.

Tapering off these treatment drugs is optional, and some patients can stay on them all their lives.

Jonathan Connell, who heads the Opioid Treatment Providers of Georgia, an advocacy group for state providers, says pushing people off medication-assisted treatment shouldn’t be the focus of lawmakers’ efforts.

“If someone stays on a medication, that’s not really the issue,” he says. “People can still be dependent on something, but not live an active addiction.”

Connell, who operates three opioid treatment programs in southwest Georgia, rejects Mullis’ claim that Georgia clinics lack regulations. However, he does support the moratorium.

He says the problem is that regulations are not enforced properly by the Georgia Department of Community Health, which oversees the clinics.

“We have had some clinics open up — some people with limited knowledge of the field,” Connell says. “They have not received surveys. How do we know they’re functioning correctly?”

The Department of Community Health says only a small staff to keep track of the 67 clinics — three staffers, with another person now in training. An agency spokesman says its rules and regulations also do not specify how frequently treatment centers should be inspected, but that re-licensure surveys are conducted every two years.

A Treatment Shortage

A shortage of clinics in other states means Georgia’s are filling a need other Southern states aren’t meeting, Talbott argues.

He has some personal experience to bring to bear on this issue — he’s in long-term recovery for an opiate addiction.

Zac Talbott, who runs an opioid treatment program in Chatsworth, Ga., says drugs like methadone and buprenorphine can help people kick addictions to prescription painkillers and heroin.

Zac Talbott, who runs an opioid treatment program in Chatsworth, Ga., says drugs like methadone and buprenorphine can help people kick addictions to prescription painkillers and heroin. Michell Eloy/WABE hide caption

toggle caption Michell Eloy/WABE

While getting his master’s degree in social work eight years ago, Talbott was prescribed painkillers for some lower back pain. He says things spiraled from there.

“I still recall to this day, learning how to help people with behavioral conditions in class, and then going to the bathroom to shoot pills and/or heroin,” Talbott says.

He says there were long wait lists at the three Tennessee clinics closest to him that were authorized to treat his opioid dependency. Rather than wait, he drove four hours back and forth between Knoxville and a clinic in Rossville, Ga., nearly every day for six months to get treatment.

He says he’s grateful for that Georgia clinic.

“The old Zac — that Zac that was in that graduate program for clinical social work — quickly came back,” he says, once he was able to stop the opioid use.

Georgia’s moratorium went into effect June 1. It will last a year, to give the state legislature time to look at new ways to regulate the clinics.

This story is part of NPR’s reporting partnership with WABE and Kaiser Health News.

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If Zika May Derail A Trip, Look At 'Cancel-For-Any-Reason' Travel Insurance

Would the threat of Zika lead you to rethink a scheduled trip to Ipanema beach or the Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil? You'd need the right kind of travel insurance to cover the cost of a canceled trip.

Would the threat of Zika lead you to rethink a scheduled trip to Ipanema beach or the Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil? You’d need the right kind of travel insurance to cover the cost of a canceled trip. Mario Tama/Getty Images hide caption

toggle caption Mario Tama/Getty Images

As the summer unfolds, people are understandably interested in whether travel insurance will cover them if they cancel a trip because of concerns about the Zika virus. Other readers asked whether student health plans are a better option than the coverage from a health law marketplace and how an employer can’t offer mental health coverage. Here are the answers.

My wife and I have a trip planned to South America, but we’re increasingly worried about the Zika virus. We bought travel insurance when we booked the trip. If we cancel, will we be able to get our money back?

A typical travel insurance policy won’t reimburse you for trip expenses if you cancel because you’re afraid of traveling to a country where there have been reports of an outbreak of a disease such as the Zika virus.

But if you purchased a “cancel-for-any-reason” policy, your claim is more likely to be approved, said Megan Freedman, executive director of the U.S. Travel Insurance Association, a trade group. Like standard trip cancellation policies, these policies provide financial protection for unreimbursed expenses if you have to cancel your trip before it starts or interrupt it once you’re there. These policies also allow you to cancel for any reason, including pregnancy, a particular concern with the Zika virus. They typically cost a bit more than a standard policy. If you cancel, you’ll generally be reimbursed for about 75 percent of your prepaid expenses.

The Zika virus causes only mild flu-like symptoms in most people, but if women contract it during pregnancy, it can cause a devastating birth defect called microcephaly in their baby. Researchers estimate that babies born to between 1 and 13 percent of pregnant women who are infected during their first trimester will have that problem.

The virus is generally passed along through the bite of an infected mosquito.

Even if your travel insurance policy won’t approve your claim, it’s worth contacting your airline or hotel to ask about refunds, Freedman said.

“Ask what if any concessions your hotel or airline is extending,” she said.

I’m leaving my job to go to graduate school this summer. The college offers a student health plan, but would I be better off buying an individual plan on the marketplace? Since I worked half of the year, I suspect I won’t get much in subsidies.

The best choice for you will depend on a couple of factors, including how good the student plan is at your school and your coverage priorities: Do you want a plan with generous coverage or would you prefer something that may have a higher deductible, for example, but probably has a lower price tag?

Student health plans vary widely from school to school, said Stephen Beckley, a higher education health care consultant in Fort Collins, Colo. At many schools, coverage is equivalent to a platinum level plan on the state marketplace, meaning it pays 90 percent of the cost of medical services. A survey of student health plans at 38 public and private schools conducted by Hodgkins Beckley Consulting found average premiums were $184 at public universities and $217 at private colleges.

A platinum-level plan on the health law marketplaces would likely run more than that, especially if you don’t qualify for a federal tax credit to help pay the premium. On the state marketplaces, more than three-quarters of people who buy plans get premium tax credits, which are available to people with annual incomes up to 400 percent of the federal poverty level (about $47,000 for an individual). This year, after factoring in an average premium tax credit of $290, consumers paid on average $106 per month for coverage in the 38 states where the federal government operates the marketplace. Most people buy silver plans on the state exchanges, which pay for 70 percent of medical services, leaving them to pick up more of the cost of care than a platinum plan does.

My employer does not offer mental health benefits. What can I do?

You’re in a tough spot. The federal mental health parity law doesn’t require companies to offer mental health benefits. Rather, it says that if they do, the benefits have to be at least as generous as their medical/surgical benefits.

You have several options, but none of them is a slam dunk. Some therapists charge on a sliding scale for a small proportion of their caseload, said Lynn Bufka, a psychologist who is the associate executive director for practice research and policy at the American Psychological Association.

Depending on where you live, you may be able to find a local mental health clinic or federally qualified health center that offers mental health services for less than you’d pay a private therapist, Bufka said. You could also check out universities near you that have training programs for mental health professionals. You might be able to work with a student who’s under close supervision by a trained professional.

Once you find someone, ask if there are things you can do to help accelerate the work using self-help books or guided exercises between sessions.

“It’s important for people to understand that psychotherapy does not need to be a forever thing,” Bufka said. “It could be a 10 to 12 week intervention.”

Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent news service that is part of the nonpartisan Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. Email questions for future columns: KHNHelp@KFF.org. Michelle Andrews is on Twitter: @mandrews110.

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Here's Really Where Zika Mosquitoes Are Likely In The U.S.

Counties where Aedes aegypti was reported between Jan. 1, 1995, and March 2016. Counties in yellow recorded one year of A. aegypti being present; those shown in orange recorded two years; and those shown in red, three or more years.

Counties where Aedes aegypti was reported between Jan. 1, 1995, and March 2016. Counties in yellow recorded one year of A. aegypti being present; those shown in orange recorded two years; and those shown in red, three or more years. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention hide caption

toggle caption Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

A few months ago, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention published a startling map that showed the parts of the U.S. that could harbor mosquitoes capable of carrying Zika.

Many readers, including myself, thought, “Zika could come to my town! It could come to Connecticut! To Ohio and Indiana! Or to northern California! Oh goodness!”

The map made it look like a vast swath of the country was at risk for Zika, including New England and the Upper Midwest.

Well, not quite.

On Thursday, CDC scientists published another mosquito map for the U.S. And it paints a very different picture.

The new map shows counties in which scientists, over the past two decades, have collected Aedes aegypti mosquitoes — the type of insect thought to be spreading Zika in Latin American and the Caribbean.

“The new map is more accurate than the initial one,” says Thomas Scott, an entomologist at the University of California, Davis. “The distribution of the A. aegypti mosquito is much more restricted than the initial map showed.”

In the map, counties colored yellow reported A. aegypti mosquitoes during one year between 1995 to 2016. Orange counties had the mosquitoes in two years. And red counties are the hotspots: Scientists there found A. aegypti mosquitoes during three or more years in the past two decades.

This map represents “the best knowledge of the current distribution of this mosquito based on collection records,” entomologist John-Paul Mutebi and his colleagues at the CDC wrote in the Journal of Medical Entomology.

Many of the hot spots for this mosquito aren’t surprising. They’re places that we already knew are vulnerable to Zika, including counties in southern Florida, along the Gulf Coast and southern Texas. These places have had problems with a virus closely related to Zika, called dengue. They’re already on high alert for Zika.

But several hot spots are bit more unexpected — and concerning. “Perhaps the most concerning development for A. aegypti is its establishment in the Southwest, most recently in California in 2013,” Mutebi and his co-authors write.

Other surprises include parts of the Bay Area, greater Washington, D.C., and the Dallas-Fort Worth region, which all have established populations of A. aegypti, the map shows.

“The country is really a patchwork,” Scott says. “When you drill down into one particular state, you find that the mosquito isn’t found across the whole state. And when you drill down into a county, you find the same thing. The mosquito is found in just a small part.”

So why did the first map from the CDC make it look like such an extensive part of the country was at risk for Zika?

“The two maps show different things,” Mutebi tells Shots. “The first map showed where the climate is able to sustain populations of A. aegypti. This new map shows reports from counties where these mosquitoes were found in the last 20 years.”

And the new map, Mutebi says, is not complete. “Not all counties have mosquito surveillance programs looking for mosquitoes,” he says. In places that do, they are often targeting the mosquito that causes West Nile virus, not A. aegypti.

“So just because a county hasn’t reported having any A. aegypti mosquitoes, doesn’t mean they’re not there,” Mutebi says.

A. aegypti mosquitoes are nasty critters. They chase down people so they can feed on their blood, says virologist Scott Weaver at the University of Texas Medical Branch in Galveston.

“A. aegypti lives in close association with people, feeds almost exclusively on people — not animals — and even comes into people’s home,” he says. “Its behavior and its ecology are almost ideal for a mosquito to transmit a human virus.”

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In Germany, Asylum Seekers' Medical Needs Are Being Contained

Harald Neidhardt (left) and Mirko Bass, shown here with a model of their mobile medical clinic, had been volunteering to help asylum seekers in Hamburg but wanted to do more. The clinic they created from a refurbished shipping container received more than 3,000 patients between November and the end of April.

Harald Neidhardt (left) and Mirko Bass, shown here with a model of their mobile medical clinic, had been volunteering to help asylum seekers in Hamburg but wanted to do more. The clinic they created from a refurbished shipping container received more than 3,000 patients between November and the end of April. Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson/NPR hide caption

toggle caption Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson/NPR

Maher Murad recently had a bad sore throat and decided to go see a doctor. But the 19-year-old Iraqi asylum seeker doesn’t speak German. And the German physician he went to see at the shelter where he lives, just outside Hamburg, didn’t speak Arabic.

This kind of language barrier is common, as officials struggle to provide services like medical care to Murad and others. More than a million asylum seekers have poured into Germany over the past 18 months. The newcomers are from around the world and few speak English, let alone German.

But with the help of two German entrepreneurs, doctors at this refugee camp located in a former Hamburg building supplies market can now bridge the language gap with a few keystrokes and clicks of a mouse.

On the morning when Murad visited the clinic, his doctor, Martin Scherer, summoned a translator online. Moments later, one appeared on his computer screen via video-conference software. Through her, Scherer was able to ask Murad about his symptoms. She repeated the doctor’s questions in Arabic and added a few of her own before translating the young Iraqi man’s answers for Scherer, just to make sure the doctor got every detail he needed before making a diagnosis and prescribing treatment.

The access to online video translation services and the reconfigured, high-tech shipping container that houses the shelter’s primary care clinic are the brainchild of Harald Neidhardt, the CEO of MLOVE, a Hamburg-based media and event company, and his friend, Mirko Bass, a business development manager at Cisco Systems, the multinational technology firm headquartered in San Jose, California.

The executives met in 2014, while introducing cutting-edge technology to Hamburg as part of its Smart City initiative. Like many Germans, they were moved by the plight of hundreds of thousands of desperate asylum seekers who arrived last year and overwhelmed local governments, including Hamburg’s. The city took in 61,500 asylum seekers in 2015.

Iraqi asylum seeker Maher Murad (left) sought help from Dr. Martin Scherer for a sore throat. In the exam room, Scherer worked online with an Arabic-speaking translator.

Iraqi asylum seeker Maher Murad (left) sought help from Dr. Martin Scherer for a sore throat. In the exam room, Scherer worked online with an Arabic-speaking translator. Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson/NPR hide caption

toggle caption Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson/NPR

Neidhardt says the situation at the port city’s main railway station, where many of the migrants first arrived, was appalling. He recalls there were “makeshift tents of the doctors’ offices that don’t have a floor, there’s just a triage and some blue gloves here and some defibrillator on the left side, just to sort of pretend this was something that was medical.”

The two worked as volunteers distributing clothes to asylum seekers, Bass says, but wanted to do more. So he urged his friend to come up with something innovative.

For the Smart City initiative, Neidhardt had already helped design a mini-village from shipping containers to house start-up businesses and event spaces. Now he proposed to create portable doctor’s offices in refurbished, Wi-Fi-equipped shipping containers. These would be inexpensive and easy to set up at refugee intake centers.

Bass enhanced the idea by adding a network of partners, which include the German Red Cross, the University Medical Center of Hamburg-Eppendorf — for which Scherer works — and the long-distance translation services, which are provided by SAVD, a Vienna-based video interpretation firm.

“This is a little bit like Uber, you know,” Bass says. “You press the button, the magic happens.” In this case, a translator shows up.

Scherer says having round-the-clock access to SAVD’s 750 translators, who speak 50 languages and are versed in medical terminology, has made it easier for all the doctors who treat refugees at the camp.

“This system helps us because they are trained and they can avoid misunderstandings,” he explains. Having translators available online instead of bringing them into the primary care clinic has made for far less cramped quarters. If a patient wants privacy, the camera on the computer screen can be turned off.

A reconfigured, high-tech shipping container houses a Hamburg refugee shelter's primary care clinic. More are planned.

A reconfigured, high-tech shipping container houses a Hamburg refugee shelter’s primary care clinic. More are planned. Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson/NPR hide caption

toggle caption Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson/NPR

Cisco funded the prototype, which Bass and Niedhardt say cost in the “high five digits.”

It took six weeks to get the unit ready, Niedhardt says, but most of that time was spent waiting for the container to arrive. “Now, the waiting time is even two to three months, because containers for construction and housing are very much in demand,” he says. The containers are sourced from various European suppliers.

By early November, the first Refugee First Response Center clinic was online. Between then and the end of April, it logged more than 3,000 patient visits, Scherer says. The video translation services cost half as much as the usual practice of hiring translators to be onsite.

The Hamburg-based Dorit and Alexander Otto Foundation, meanwhile, has donated $1 million to Hamburg officials to build 10 more such primary clinics for asylum seekers. The city has agreed to cover the operating costs. Care is free to patients.

The first of the new batch went online in late April and includes a 30-foot-long medical aid practice office — 10 feet longer than the prototype, to help patients and staff feel less cramped — and a 20-foot waiting room.

Neidhardt and Bass say they are determined to find more donors so they can build even more clinics, and not just in Hamburg or Germany.

“We see that the model works,” Niehardt says. “Not only the language, but also just having a clean, amazing and functional doctor’s office.”

They also would like to expand the treatment options beyond primary care — which is something asylum seekers at the Hamburg shelter say they want, too.

The Afghan woman, who arrived here seven months ago, says she’s still waiting for appointment with the specialist for her 11-year-old son, Ali, who was in a suicide attack at his Kabul school last year.

“The doctor here hasn’t been able to do for him other than say he will refer my son,” Zargaran says. “But nothing has happened yet and his hands are shaking so badly in class, he can’t even hold a pencil to write.”

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This Doctor Wants To Help California Figure Out Aid-In-Dying

Lonny Shavelson has studied America's experiments with aid in dying. He's now helping patients and doctors in California come to grips with the state's new law.

Lonny Shavelson has studied America’s experiments with aid in dying. He’s now helping patients and doctors in California come to grips with the state’s new law. Courtesy of PhotoWords.com hide caption

toggle caption Courtesy of PhotoWords.com

Few people have the unusual set of professional experiences that Lonny Shavelson does. He worked as an emergency room physician in Berkeley, Calif., for years, while also working as a journalist. He has written several books and takes hauntingly beautiful photographs.

Now he’ll add another specialty.

California’s End of Life Option Act, a law legalizing physician aid-in-dying for people who are terminally ill, took effect this week. Shavelson has become a consultant aimed at answering questions from physicians and patients about the practice — and plans to become a physician to terminally ill patients seeking to end their lives.

I first met Shavelson in 1996 as I was covering the reaction to Oregon voters’ approval of Measure 16, the state’s Death with Dignity Act.

Oregon was the first state to approve the practice, and in 1996 the law was held up in court. I turned to Shavelson as he had published A Chosen Death, a moving book that followed five terminally ill people over two years as they determined whether to amass drugs on their own and end their lives at a time of their choosing. He was present at the death of all of them.

He followed the issue of assisted suicide closely for several years more, but ultimately moved on to other projects, among them a book about addiction and a documentary about people who identify as neither male nor female.

Then last fall came the surprising passage of California’s End of Life Option Act, giving terminally ill adults with six months to live the right to request lethal medication to end their lives. The law took effect Thursday.

Copies of the covers of Shavelson's books decorate his office wall.

Copies of the covers of Shavelson’s books decorate his office wall. Lisa Aliferis/KQED hide caption

toggle caption Lisa Aliferis/KQED

Shavelson decided he has to act, although he feels “quite guilty” about having been away from the issue while others pushed it forward.

“Can I just sit back and watch?” Shavelson told me from his cottage office in his backyard in Berkeley. “This is really an amazing opportunity to be part of establishing policy and initiating something in medicine. This is a major change … [that] very, very few people know anything about and how to do it.”

His website, Bay Area End of Life Options, went up in April, and he outlined the law at grand rounds at several Bay Area hospitals this spring. His practice will be focused on consulting not only with physicians whose patients request aid-in-dying, but also with patients themselves, including offering care to patients who choose him as their “attending End-of-Life physician,” as he indicates on his site.

Shavelson is adamant that this is “something that has to be done right.” To him, that means starting every patient encounter with a one-word question: “Why?”

“In fact, it’s the only initial approach that I think is acceptable. If somebody calls me and says, ‘I want to take the medication,’ my first question is, ‘Why? Let me talk to you about all the various alternatives and all the ways that we can think about this,’ ” he predicts he will say.

Shavelson worries that patients may seek aid-in-dying because they are in pain. So first, he would like all his patients to be enrolled in hospice care.

“This can only work when you’re sure that the patients have been given the best end-of-life care, which to me is most guaranteed by being a part of hospice or at least having a good palliative care physician. Then this is a rational decision. If you’re doing it otherwise, it’s because of lack of good care.”

California is the fifth state to legalize aid-in-dying, joining Oregon, Washington, Vermont and Montana. The option is very rarely used. For example, in 2014 in Oregon, 155 lethal prescriptions were written under the state’s law, and 105 people ultimately took the medicine and died, a death rate under this method of less than 0.5 percent.

Under the California law, two doctors must agree that a mentally competent patient has six months or less to live. One of the patient-doctor meetings must be private, between only the patient and the physician, to ensure the patient is acting independently. Patients must be able to swallow the medication themselves and must state in writing, in the 48 hours before taking the medication, that they will do so.

Shavelson says he has been surprised by the lack of understanding he hears from some health care providers about the law. One person insisted the law was not taking effect this year; another asked how the law would benefit his patients with Alzheimer’s disease. To be clear, the law took effect June 9, and patients with dementia cannot access the law because they are not mentally competent.

Renee Sahm was one of five terminally ill people whose experiences were chronicled by Shavelson in his 1995 book A Chosen Death.

Renee Sahm was one of five terminally ill people whose experiences were chronicled by Shavelson in his 1995 book A Chosen Death. Courtesy of Lonny Shavelson hide caption

toggle caption Courtesy of Lonny Shavelson

The law does not mandate participation by any health care providers. Many physicians are “queasy” with the new law, Shavelson says he’s hearing, and are unwilling to prescribe to patients who request the lethal medication — even though they tell him they think the law is the right thing to do.

“My response to that is as health care providers, you might have been uncomfortable the first time you drew blood. You might have been uncomfortable the first time you took out somebody’s gall bladder,” he says. “If it’s a medical procedure you believe in and you believe it’s the patient’s right, then it’s your obligation to learn how to do it — and do it correctly.”

Shavelson said he predicts that many physicians who are initially reluctant to provide this option to their patients may become more comfortable after the law goes into effect and they see how it works.

Burt Presberg, an East Bay psychiatrist who works with cancer patients and their families, saysa talk he attended by Shavelson sparked a conversation at his practice. In my own talk with him, he peppered his statements with “on the other hand,” as he clearly wrestled with his own comfort level of handling potential patient requests.

Presberg spoke of his concern that patients can suffer from clinical depression at the end of life, sometimes feeling they are a burden to family members who could “really push for the end of life to happen a little sooner than the patient themselves.” He spoke from his experience of successfully treating terminally ill patients with clinical depression.

“Depression is something that’s really undertreated,” Presberg said. “I often talk to people about the difference between [that and] normal sadness and normal grieving at the end of life.”

He said he believes Shavelson will be aware of treating depression, “but I do have concerns about other physicians,” he said. “On the other hand, I think it’s really good that this is an option.”

Shavelson says he’s already received a handful of calls from patients, but he mostly spent the time before the law took effect talking to other physicians. He needs a consulting physician and a pharmacist who will accept prescriptions for the lethal dose of medicine.

Then he returns to the patient. “It’s important … that we’re moving forward,” he says. “It’s crucial that we do that because this is part of the rights of patient care to have a certain level of autonomy in how they die.”

To many of the doctors who feel “queasy” about moving to end a patient’s life, this type of care “isn’t so tangibly different to me,” Shavelson says, than other kinds of questions doctors address.

“I’m just one of those docs who sees dying as a process, and method of death is less important than making sure it’s a good death.”

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How A Team Of Elite Doctors Changed The Military's Stance On Brain Trauma

The Gray Team with Maj. Jennifer Bell (center), who ran a concussion clinic, seen in the Helmand province of Afghanistan in 2010: Col. Michael Jaffee (from left) , Capt. James Hancock, Col. Geoffrey Ling, Lt. Col. Shean Phelps and Col. Robert Saum.

The Gray Team with Maj. Jennifer Bell (center), who ran a concussion clinic, seen in the Helmand province of Afghanistan in 2010: Col. Michael Jaffee (from left) , Capt. James Hancock, Col. Geoffrey Ling, Lt. Col. Shean Phelps and Col. Robert Saum. Courtesy of Christian Macedonia hide caption

toggle caption Courtesy of Christian Macedonia

During the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military did an about-face on detecting and treating brain injuries caused by explosions. After years of routinely sending blast-exposed troops back into combat, the military implemented a system that requires screening and treatment for traumatic brain injury.

The change came about in large part because of a remarkable campaign by an elite team of military officers who were also doctors and scientists. They worked for the highest-ranking officer in the armed forces. And they were known simply as the Gray Team.

The Gray Team began with a contentious job interview between the doctor who would lead the team and the man who would be his boss.

It was 2008 and Army surgeon Christian Macedonia had been told there was a high-level opening for a doctor who wanted to change the military’s approach to battlefield brain injuries. When Macedonia arrived for the interview, he found himself face to face with Adm. Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

“And he looks at me and he goes, ‘Who are you and what are you doing in my office?’ ” Macedonia says.

Macedonia explained he was there about the job. Mullen replied that he had decided he didn’t need a doctor on his staff. “And I said, ‘Sir, I’m going to disagree with you,’ ” Macedonia recalls.

Macedonia, a lieutenant colonel, told the admiral that if he really wanted to do something about brain injuries, he did need a doctor. What’s more, he needed one with combat experience, strong scientific credentials and a high-level security clearance. “I said, ‘Sir, you really only have one person and that’s me.’ “

Mullen smiled. He had been looking for someone he might have to rein in, but would never have to push. “And Macedonia fit that model for me perfectly,” he says. “He’s very outspoken, very straightforward. We talk about out-of-the-box thinkers; he just lives outside the box.”

Assembling The Gray Team

Macedonia’s first assignment was to put together a team. He recruited four other military doctors with combat experience and impressive resumes.

They were called the Gray Team, after the brain’s gray matter, the gray issues surrounding traumatic brain injuries and the graying team members themselves.

Their mission was to challenge something military doctors had been taught about blast exposure since World War I:

Christian Macedonia led the Gray Teams. Now, he's a maternal and fetal health specialist at Lancaster General Health's Women and Babies Hospital in Lancaster, Pa.

Christian Macedonia led the Gray Teams. Now, he’s a maternal and fetal health specialist at Lancaster General Health’s Women and Babies Hospital in Lancaster, Pa. Meredith Rizzo/NPR hide caption

toggle caption Meredith Rizzo/NPR

“If you don’t have blood coming out of your head, if you don’t have a penetrating injury, you have not been injured,” Macedonia says. “Your job as a doctor at that point is to say, ‘You’re gonna be fine’ and basically minimize any of the symptoms.”

Macedonia himself believed that when he was deployed to Iraq in 2004, to serve as chief of a combat support hospital near Fallujah. He was seeing horrendous injures, so he didn’t have much time for people who looked OK, even if they’d been dangerously close to a blast.

Macedonia and other military doctors actually became suspicious of service members who suggested blast exposure was the cause of their headaches, fatigue or sleep problems. “The attitude was that these people were trying to get a Purple Heart or something like that,” he says. “In retrospect, it was just awful. It was really a bad thing to do to people.”

Macedonia’s conversion occurred one day in Iraq, when he got caught in a mortar attack.

“I was out with a young Marine. We were in the middle of the attack. And the mortar was probably about 50 meters away,” he says.

The blast wave shook them violently. But they were alive. And they weren’t bleeding. So Macedonia went back to the hospital. He did surgery until midnight. Then, he headed for bed.

“I had a shaving mirror hung up by my cot and I looked in that mirror and I didn’t recognize the person looking back at me,” he says. Macedonia realized that he couldn’t remember anything from the operating room that night.

And he recognized the vacant expression he saw in the mirror: “The same sort of strange look in the eye that I had seen in people who had been in IED blasts up and down the route near our base.”

Macedonia was pretty sure he wasn’t having a purely psychological reaction to combat. The blast had injured his brain.

The Brain Battle Begins

In early 2009, Mullen’s Gray Team headed for Iraq and Afghanistan. By this time, IEDs had become the weapon of choice for insurgents attacking coalition forces. Tens of thousands of soldiers were being exposed to bomb blasts. And many were experiencing memory loss, confusion and sleep problems.

But the military still wasn’t taking the problem seriously. “We would tolerate multiple blasts [in] deployment after deployment,” Mullen says. “And I was determined to see if I could do something about this.”

So he sent the Gray Team to the battlefield to have a close-up look at what was happening to troops exposed to bomb blasts. “Quite simply, the Gray Team was there to establish ground truth with respect to traumatic brain injury,” Macedonia says.

And the truth was pretty grim. Often, troops weren’t even being checked for TBIs.

The military relies on something called the MACE exam — Military Acute Concussion Evaluation — to assess service members who have sustained a TBI or concussion. And Macedonia had been told the MACE exam was being administered to pretty much every service member near an explosion.

How A Blast Wave Affects The Brain

The integrin protein (red) connects the outermost layers of a cell to the structures inside. The shock wave from a blast can cause the integrin to send unhealthy and sometimes fatal signals to the structures inside cells.

TBI GIF

Source: Harvard University

Credit: Katherine Du/NPR

“But then you would go out and you would talk to these young medics and corpsmen — who are great patriots and doing wonderful things — and you would say, ‘Hey, son, how often do you administer the MACE exam?’ And they would look at you and say, ‘Sir, I’m sorry, what’s a MACE exam?’ “

Because the military wasn’t doing much to look for TBIs, it was usually up to individual service members to report their own brain injuries.

“If you were in a blast, you basically had one of two choices,” Mullen says. “You either didn’t admit you had a problem, or if you admitted a problem we put you on a plane, sent you home.”

And Mullen knew from visiting hundreds of wounded troops that they didn’t want to get sent home. “The first thing they tell you is they want to get back in the fight,” he says. “So nobody would admit they had a problem.”

When the Gray Team got back to the U.S., they began suggesting reforms. Their ideas got a hostile reception in the Pentagon.

“I would literally have people behind closed doors say, ‘Who gave those people medical degrees?’ ” Macedonia says. It was a surprising allegation, considering the team members included people like Geoffrey Ling, an M.D.-Ph.D. considered the military’s leading expert on traumatic brain injury.

But many senior medical officers just couldn’t accept that there were real brain injuries you couldn’t see on MRI or CT scans, Macedonia says. “The organized military medical system was still trying to hold back the ocean and say: No big deal, most of these injuries are psychiatric and our job is basically to provide counseling centers and get these people over the shock of being at war.”

In the Pentagon, some medical officers feared that TBIs could become the next Gulf War syndrome — a poorly defined problem with no obvious cause and no good treatment.

Others had visions of the military medical system stateside being overwhelmed by newly diagnosed TBI patients. And more than a few just didn’t like having someone outside their chain of command telling them what do.

Macedonia says bureaucratic concerns often seemed to trump the growing scientific evidence that blast-induced TBIs were real. “I can’t tell you the number of times I walked out of rooms just being sorely disappointed at people who knew what the right thing to do was but chose to look the other way,” he says.

But Macedonia was equal parts tenacious and ferocious. “He was a dog on a bone,” Mullen says.

“Christian Macedonia doesn’t give a f*** what anybody thinks if he believes he’s on the right course,” says Kit Parker, a Harvard professor and Army lieutenant colonel who served on the Gray Team in 2011.

MRIs On The Battlefield

The conflict between the Gray Team and the military medical establishment reached a peak over the issue of MRI scanners.

Conventional scanners usually couldn’t detect the damage from a blast. But the Gray Team now included David Brody, a civilian scientist from Washington University in St. Louis, who was using a new MRI technique to study troops at the U.S. military hospital in Landstuhl, Germany.

“We went out there to Landstuhl, started enrolling patients, and started discovering immediately all sorts of injuries that were completely invisible to the conventional scans,” Brody says.

Even though the Department of Defense was paying for Brody’s research, the military medical establishment wasn’t embracing the results. “There was a strong current in the military at that time that this was a problem that was going to go away if we ignored it,” he says.

Macedonia wanted to deploy the new technology to hospitals near the battlefield. So during a Gray Team trip to Iraq, he made a pitch to a group of senior medical staff.

“I said, ‘We’re very seriously considering putting MRI machines in theater, what say you?’ ” he recalls. The reaction was as if he had proposed “bringing in a pile of radioactive waste to drop in your hospital.”

Macedonia eventually got his MRIs, largely because his boss, Mullen, had clout. As chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Mullen was the highest-ranking officer in the armed forces. “But even the chairman can be ignored,” Mullen says.

To make sure that didn’t happen, Mullen, Macedonia and the Gray Team had been building a coalition that included Gen. Peter Chiarelli, the Army’s vice chief of staff, and Gen. James Amos, assistant commandant of the Marine Corps. The Gray Team’s allies simply outranked its opponents.

The team’s decisive victory came in 2010, when the Department of Defense issued a memo that transformed the system for managing battlefield brain injury. “I can still remember Macedonia coming into my office saying, ‘Chairman, we got it,’ ” Mullen says.

Geoffrey Ling and Christian Macedonia wore body armor with blast sensors.

Geoffrey Ling and Christian Macedonia wore body armor with blast sensors. Courtesy of Christian Macedonia hide caption

toggle caption Courtesy of Christian Macedonia

The memo requires evaluation and a 24-hour rest period for troops within 50 meters of a blast, and several other measures to ensure that TBIs are detected and treated. It also includes special provisions for service members who sustain multiple TBIs.

And the 2010 mandate was just the beginning. Today, combat troops often wear sensors that indicate when a bomb blast is strong enough to cause a brain injury. Military doctors are taught that blast waves really can cause physical brain injuries. And service members can get treatment for a TBI without being put on a plane and sent home.

The sweeping changes have brought solace to Macedonia, who still regrets that he once doubted blast waves could physically injure the brain.

“Doing the Gray Team’s missions was probably the most awesome healing process that could have ever happened for me,” says Macedonia, who has retired from the military. “It really was a way for me to make up for the lapses, the lack of understanding about TBI.”

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For Doctors-In-Training, A Dose Of Health Policy Helps The Medicine Go Down

George Washington University is training doctors to understand the health care system as it also teaches them how to take care of patients.

George Washington University is training doctors to understand the health care system as it also teaches them how to take care of patients. Team Static/fStop/Getty Images hide caption

toggle caption Team Static/fStop/Getty Images

Doctors-in-training learn a lot about the workings of the human body during medical school and residency. But many are taught next to nothing about the workings of the health care system. One university in Washington, D.C., is trying to change that.

A three-week fellowship in health policy for medical residents is run jointly by the George Washington University schools of medicine and public health. In addition to hearing lectures from policy experts in and around the nation’s capital, the residents take field trips to Capitol Hill, the Supreme Court, other federal and local health-related agencies, as well as local health care facilities.

Dr. Fitzhugh Mullan, a pediatrician and GW professor, has led the program since it began more than a decade ago. When he went to medical school in the 1960s, he says learning how the health system worked was barely an afterthought.

“Things such as public health were recognized with a one credit course in the curriculum that everybody thought was terrible, partly because it was and partly because they discounted it as being important,” he says. “The notion of engaging with public policy or being concerned with the state of the future of [health care] service delivery in the U.S. was not remotely a part of our training.”

That’s changing, though. On this Tuesday afternoon in early spring, the 20 or so medical residents in the current class are getting a tour of a community health center in Washington run by Unity Health.

They stop at the dental clinic, which can accommodate six dentists and a dental hygienist. “If you think that the crisis of medically uninsured is high, the crisis of dental uninsured is even higher,” says Andrea Anderson, Unity’s medical director. “So many of our patients suffer for not having proper dental insurance.”

It’s not just dental services that gives the health center added value. For example, instead of just telling patients to eat more vegetables, the staff gives out farmers market vouchers and then demonstrates how to cook the veggies patients buy in an on-site kitchen.

“So we use the test kitchen to say ‘here’s how we chop it up, here’s how we cook it,” she says. “Look, here’s your kid chopping it up, having fun.”

Mullan says medical residency is a particularly good time to teach policy because the newly minted doctors have seen enough of the health system up close to get an idea of where its flaws are.

“They’re in the game, and the opportunity to stop and talk about the game and how the game could be played better is very appealing to them,” he says.

That’s certainly true for fellow Chris Cahill. He’s a third-year pediatric resident at Children’s National Health System in Washington. He says he got interested in policy as a medical student at the University of Vermont a few years ago. At the time, the state was debating whether or not to create a new single-payer health care system. That didn’t happen. But Cahill says now that he’s later in his training, the policy aspects are even more relevant.

These students are part of a fellowship in health policy run jointly by the George Washington University schools of medicine and public health. In addition to hearing lectures from policy experts, the residents take field trips to Capitol Hill, the Supreme Court and local clinics and community health centers.

These students are part of a fellowship in health policy run jointly by the George Washington University schools of medicine and public health. In addition to hearing lectures from policy experts, the residents take field trips to Capitol Hill, the Supreme Court and local clinics and community health centers. Courtesy of Fitzhugh Mullan hide caption

toggle caption Courtesy of Fitzhugh Mullan

“It’s a great time to do it now because we still have those idealistic ideas, but we also have a lot of practical experience,” Cahill says. “We know what the face of these problems looks like much better than we did in medical school or college even.”

There’s a growing awareness that doctors need more training in the nonclinical parts of health care.

“You know as a profession we provide the most expensive services that any American will spend money on in their whole lifetime,” says Neel Shah, an OB-GYN in Boston and a health policy researcher at Harvard. “And yet at the point of service we can’t tell anybody what anything costs. That’s crazy.”

Even worse, says Shah, most doctors are trained explicitly not to take cost into consideration.

“Clinical training teaches you to be a terrible steward of health care resources in every way,” he says. “When you’re being chastised as a trainee, it’s always for the things that you didn’t do but could have. It’s never for the things you did do but didn’t have to do. When, of course, patients can be harmed both ways.”

For now, the program is mostly limited to residents from GW and other Washington-area facilities. But Mullan is in the process of creating a new version for Kaiser-Permanente at three sites in California.

Those residents won’t have the advantage of being right down the street from the White House and the U.S. Capitol. “But we reasoned that in California there would be state-level issues or city-level issues that had an equal relevance,” Mullan says.

Kaiser Health News is a national health policy news service that is part of the nonpartisan Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. (Kaiser Permanente has no relationship with Kaiser Health News.)

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